In the case of global warming, although the effects seem at first unclear and slow, scientists are warning us, once it has started, there will be no way it can be stopped. The carbon dioxide and methane now put into the atmosphere will not leave it for decades. The comfortable view that technology is eventually going to solve all problems can be considered a wrong view. It is wrong in the sense that is the nature of the world to be uncontrollable. New problems will always crop up. Due to a wrong, unrestrained use of technology, modern humanity could end up off worse-off than its less technologically advanced, but perhaps more sensible and content ancestors. It is important to reflect on the ancient Jaataka story of the immature magician's apprentice who brought a dead tiger to life with a spell he had mastered, at which point the tiger devoured his savior. In a similar way, the abuse of technology, due to greed and deluded wrong views, could destroy humanity or a large part of it.

Psychological studies have pointed out that people who are living in countries at the bottom of the scale of economic prosperity, such as the Himalayan state of Bhutan and the Pacific island of Vanuatu, are often relatively much happier than those who live in countries that are at the top, such as the USA. Thus, ironically, it would seem that it is not the people in the richest societies who are happiest, but the ones in less affluent ones. The main reason for this difference is that most people living in such humble countries don't have the view that happiness lies in the endless accumulation of more wealth, and that, in order to be happy, one needs to have the latest type of car, better than that of one's neighbours. The perspective on life that causes such ‘poor’ peoples’ relative happiness has naturally evolved out of the need for contentment with the limited natural resources available to them.

The Buddha encouraged contentment and simplicity. His teaching goes against the worldly stream of craving. In contrast to the belief that happiness lies in getting more, the Buddha said, "contentment is the greatest wealth." In Asia, where most Buddhists live, people are thoughtlessly embracing Western consumerist lifestyles. For example, the rich buy luxurious off-road vehicles. Just as in the West, these vehicles are rarely employed for their actual purpose, but rather for going shopping and taking children to school. A coalition of Christian and environmental groups in the USA recently launched a campaign to reduce fuel consumption with the motto "What would Jesus drive?" Buddhist leaders should also encourage their followers to live simple, less environmentally abusive life-styles. The threat of Christian missionaries is a popular topic among Buddhist leaders in Asia, however, global warming and the widespread destruction and pollution of the environment due to thoughtless consumerism, seems to be relatively much more of a threat to Buddhism and should also become a major issue for Buddhist leaders. It is ironical that conversion to Christian doctrine is paid so much attention to, while the popular adaptation by Buddhists of the destructive, consumerist lifestyle that is a result of Christian doctrine is not criticized.

The Buddha encouraged a simple, frugal, and contented lifestyle as being conducive to happiness: "One should be … contented and easy to support, … having a frugal lifestyle …’’ (Sn 144) The wise King Asoka gave similar advice in his third Rock Edict: "… moderation in expenditure and moderation in possessions are good." Qualities such as moderation and frugality do not entail the foregoing of all comfort and happiness, but entail the simplification of one’s lifestyle, the development of a sense of responsibility, and an awareness about the consequences of one’s lifestyle. Because Buddhist laypeople don't identify themselves with the Buddha in the same way that Christians do with Jesus, it would be difficult to imagine a campaign with the motto, "What would the Buddha drive?" Nevertheless, the timeless teachings of the Buddha are all about the extinguishing of the fires of greed, hatred, and delusion. They are actual and modern in encouraging people to live in a frugal and contented manner.

If people can be convinced that their wrong views towards life are fundamentally destructive to themselves and others and that simplicity and contentment are the greatest wealth, they will accept more harmless and wholesome ways of life. Hopefully, this will help prevent the climate from changing for the worse.

This latest work of the British scholar Elizabeth Harris is an in-depth study of the British Christian encounter with Sinhalese Theravada Buddhism in the nineteenth century. It gives an overview on how the British gradually came to understand Sinhalese Theravada Buddhism and clarifies the roots of certain modern perceptions and problems. For example, the nineteenth^-century British, puritan preference for the rational, textual aspects in Buddhism, while dismissing the traditional ritual and cosmological aspects, would apply to most Westerners today, too. It also shows how the Sinhalese Buddhist suspicion regarding Christian proselytizing has its roots in this period.

In the first three parts of the book, the author focuses on the perceptions of British writers—mostly Christian missionaries, but also colonial officials, travellers, scholars, Theosophists, and early British Buddhists—with regard to Sinhalese Buddhism. She does so through contrasting the writings of contemporary British writers in various epochs of the nineteenth century. What emerges is an accurate picture of how the perceptions of Sinhalese Buddhism by the British gradually changed. First the perceptions were hostile and distorted, based on the biased Protestant perceptions of externals such as Buddha images and (non-Buddhist) ‘devil dances’, but then gradually changed to the sympathetic and romantic such as in the poem Light of Asia by Edwin Arnold, and finally to more accurate and sympathetic depictions based on in depth studies of the living tradition and textual studies with the help of local Buddhists such as the writings of Dickson and Rhys Davids.

In Part I, dealing with the period 1796-1830, the first British writers selected by Harris were still somewhat confused about the identity of the Buddha due to lack of accurate information. Some, seeing the worship of Buddha images and depictions of the twenty-eight Buddhas, were uncertain whether he was a miracle-working god or an historical figure. Others thought he was an atheist reformer and saviour who was deified by his followers. The same confusion applies to the Buddha’s teaching, which was seen by most as irrational, materialistic, and nihilistic. A few writers, however, were impressed by the Buddhist system of ethical wisdom and the reasoning ability of Buddhists.

In Part II, dealing with the period 1830-1870, attention is paid to the misperceptions and misguided conversion efforts of Protestant Christian missionaries. The British colonial system had fully established itself by this period, and the colonialists were self-confident and arrogant, seeing the British colonial effort as the bearer of enlightened civilization to the uncivilized. Along with this, even more arrogant British missionaries saw the British colonial success as an indication from God to spread Christianity. They started to make strong, but mostly unsuccessful, efforts to convert the Buddhist ‘heathen.’ The missionaries believed that Buddhism taught the ultimate annihilation of the soul and denied the all-creating Christian god and that this cold void led to the idolatry and demon worship they witnessed in Ceylon. Christian missionary scholars such as Spencer and Gogerly, although giving more accurate and detailed information about Buddhism due to their studies and translations of Buddhist texts in Pali and Sinhala, tried to ridicule Buddhism. Their textual studies were aimed at undermining Buddhism. Nevertheless, Spencer’s first works, although he himself did not appreciate this fact at all, ironically enough, sparked a positive interest in Buddhism from influential Europeans, such as Schopenhauer and Wagner.

By the middle of the 19^th century, though, not all British scholars were negative to Buddhism. Two scholars, Forbes and Knighton, were sympathetic towards Buddhism and the Sinhalese people. In contrast to the missionaries, they praised the rationality of Buddhism. However, like Spencer and Gogerly, they took their stance on the ‘pure’ canonical texts, condemning the cosmological and commentarial texts, dismissing the ritualistic and superstitious practice of contemporary Buddhists, and glorifying the purity of the past.

Part III deals with the significant period 1870-1900. In the West, Christianity started to lose ground, and a generation of free thinkers appeared. Buddhism, along with other Oriental religions and cultures, was romanticized. The major spark leading to the popularization of Buddhism in the West was the publication of the poem, The Light of Asia, by Sir Edwin Arnold in 1879, giving a positive, romantic portrait of the life of the Buddha, depicting him as a compassionate hero. After this, even some Christian missionaries appeared more tolerant and appreciative of Buddhism, although Christianity was now depicted as the fulfillment of Buddhism. Other missionaries, in response to the growing interest of Westerners who regarded Buddhism as pure, rational and scientific, became even more adamant in stressing the atheism, nihilism, idolatry, and other satanic aberrations coming out of Buddhism.

Another major development during this period was that Sinhalese Buddhist monks, trying to defend Buddhism against the Christian missionaries, successfully adopted Christian missionary tactics in defense of Buddhism. The Paanadura debates between the Christian missionaries and Ven. Gunaananda were a turning point in the revival of Buddhism. The debates were publicized in the West, and aid for the Sinhalese Buddhist revival came from Western free-thinkers, theosophists, and converts to Buddhism. However, this aid was often fuelled more by anti-Christian sentiments than by a deep understanding of Buddhism and Sinhalese culture.

British scholars sympathetic to Buddhism, such as Childers and Dickson, were the first to interpret the texts and Buddhist practice with the aid of the living tradition. They refused to divorce the texts from the actual practice. Dickson focused on Buddhism as practiced by the Sangha and laypeople, while the lexicographer Childers built up a friendly, humble, pupil-like relationship with the Sinhalese scholar-monk Vaskaduv÷ Subhuuti.

The British understanding of Buddhism was greatly facilitated by the textual studies of Rhys Davids, the founder of the Pali Text Society. Rhys Davids applying historical criticism, was convinced that the pure Buddhism could be found only in the Theravada textual tradition and was dismissive of the living traditions in Sri Lanka and, especially, of the Mahayana and Tantric Buddhism practised in other parts of Asia. He once proudly stated that Japanese students could improve their knowledge of Buddhism under the guidance of professors in the West.

Western Theosophists came to Sri Lanka in the 1880s, most notably Madame Blavatsky, C.W. Leadbeater, and Colonel Olcott. They were received warmly and were probably the first Westerners to publicly avow Buddhism, taking the three refuges and the five precepts. However, their understanding and adaptation of Buddhism was inconsistent and not whole-hearted. While Olcott promoted a pure, non-esoteric Buddhism, Blavatsky and Leadbeater were mainly interested in the esoteric and the occult. Even Olcott, the author of the influential Buddhist Catechism and the founder of Buddhist schools and societies, who stayed on in Sri Lanka after Blavatsky and Leadbeater had left, privately regarded the Theosophist’s Buddhism as identical with "the Wisdom-Religion of the Aryan Upanishads and the soul of all ancient world-faiths." Olcott’s continued alliance with Theosophism and his dislike for Buddhist devotional rituals eventually led to a rift with Sinhalese revivalists such as Anaagaarika Dhammapaala, nevertheless, due to his great assistance in the revival of Sinhalese Buddhism, Olcott remains a hero in the eyes of many Sinhalese.

In chapter 15, the life and Buddhist writings of AAnanda Metteyya, one of the first British monks and the first Buddhist missionary to England, are discussed. He was also the first Westerner to give detailed and accurate explanations of Buddhist meditation, which he had learned in Burma. The contents of this chapter are largely identical with AAnanda Metteyya: His Life and Mission, published by the BPS as Wheel 420/422.

In the last two parts of the book, Harris moves from the historical to the critical. In Part IV, building on earlier parts of the book, she presents a detailed critique of the concept of ‘Protestant Buddhism’ or ‘Reformed Buddhism.’ This concept is used by scholars to denote a reformist form of Buddhism that arose in the late nineteenth century that appears to be quite different from traditional Buddhism: rationalistic, textually puristic, individualistic, and lay-oriented. According to Harris, this form of Buddhism was the creation of neither the West nor the East, but arose through the interaction of both in this period. The direct role of Westerners, such as Rhys Davids and Olcott, in this movement has been overestimated by scholars presenting them as the initiators through their translations and catechisms. It is clear that Westerners did not initiate lay meditation practice because earlier scholars, such as Dickson, had reported on meditation as a traditional lay practice. Furthermore, the most thorough description of meditation during this period comes not come from Sri Lanka, but from Burma via AAnanda Metteyya. Descriptions of Buddhism as a rationalistic, philosophical religion and the Buddha as a reformer were already made by scholars much earlier in the nineteenth century. They, in turn, based some of their statements on the answers given by Buddhist monks to the questionnaires of the inquisitive Dutch governor Falck in the second half of the eighteenth century. The monks’ answers show the devotional and cosmological elements of ‘traditional Buddhism,’ but they also show rational aspects of ‘Reformed Buddhism,’ such as an active, ethical path for both the lay and ordained. Thus, the reformist movement drew on elements that were already existent in the tradition. Renewed interest in meditation was not initiated by Westerners, but rather arose under the influence of the Burmese tradition.

According to Harris, the key to the development of Reformed Buddhism lies not with Western orientalists, but rather in the adaptation of the arguments of Western opponents of Christianity by Buddhist revivalists who wished to counter Christian missionary writings. In reaction to the missionaries’ arguments that Buddhism was ineffective, irrational, unscientific, and nihilistic, the defenders of Buddhism had to present it in the opposite way. They could do so by emphasizing the rational core existing in the Buddhist texts that they were familiar with, but also by showing irrationalities in the Bible that had been pointed out by Western sympathizers.

Part V deals with the negative outcome of the encounter with the Christian missionaries in the nineteenth century. Prior to this period, Sinhalese Buddhists were quite tolerant in general, and many of them saw nothing wrong with being externally a Christian and internally a Buddhist. They found it difficult to understand the exclusive attitudes of the Christian missionaries and their failure to worship the Buddha. In their view, there was nothing wrong with combining the two systems, as long as the Buddha was placed above Jesus. This tolerant and pragmatic attitude was not new to Buddhism: when ancient Buddhist missionaries went to non-Buddhist areas, they did not try to win people over by condemning the local religions, but rather by absorbing these into the Buddhist system. However, the Christian missionaries misapprehended and scorned this tolerance. In their view, humanity could be saved only by Jesus. In fact, some missionaries were quite pleased when a more defensive form of Buddhism arose that they could now confront.

Although the missionaries were initially treated with kindness and courtesy by the Sangha, these gestures were not reciprocated by the missionaries, who sought their presence only in order to learn how to undermine Buddhism. This abuse of good will and the contempt for Buddhism eventually led to a sense of mutual betrayal and a reciprocal contempt for Christianity. Sinhalese Buddhists initially responded by appealing to the colonial government that religious tolerance be upheld and that literature offensive to any religious group be banned. However, the government responded to this only occasionally by warning missionaries. When these appeals failed, other methods were tried. Treatises with reasoned Buddhist arguments against the Christians’ arguments were spread. However, when Gogerly published his polemic and confrontational work Kristiyaani Prajñapti (‘The Evidences and Doctrines of the Christian Religion’) in 1848, the Sangha rose strongly against Gogerly’s accusation of not teaching ‘pure’ Buddhism and against his attempt to undermine that Buddhism through rational arguments. After this, the tone of the encounter changed: Christian preachers regularly encountered rebuke and abuse. New Buddhist leaders appeared. Buddhist printing presses, Buddhist societies, Buddhist schools, etc., were founded. Debates with Christians that were earlier avoided were successfully taken on. Thus, Sinhalese Buddhists confidently and successfully challenged Christianity by drawing on Christian forms, such as the Sunday school.

The outcome of this encounter was that Sinhalese Buddhism, became reformed and modernized, but, at the same time, its adherents became more defensive, apprehensive, and intolerant. One of the consequences of the Buddhist revival in the 20^th century was the rising Sinhala Buddhist nationalism of the 1950s. Influenced by the legacy of the nineteenth-century revival, this movement tried to compensate for what Buddhism had suffered under colonialism, successfully challenging what was viewed as the hegemony of the English language and the disproportionate percentage of Tamils in positions of power. In 1956, the year of the 2500^th anniversary of the Buddha, a Sinhala nationalist party won the elections. It made Sinhala the official language through the Sinhala Only Act and made pledges to restore Buddhism to its rightful pre-colonial status. Similar to the situation in the nineteenth century, there were frequent warnings in the Buddhist newspapers and magazines about suspected threats to Buddhism. According to Harris, many Sinhala Buddhists admitted to her that the Sinhala Only Act was a mistake. Understandable as it was as a post-colonial reaction, combined with the government rhetoric about restoring Buddhism, it eventually had disastrous consequences in that it caused the Sri Lankan Tamils to lose confidence in the national government, and, thus, paved the way to the current armed conflict. The feelings of victimhood and betrayal that Sinhala Buddhists experienced in the 19^th century currently carries on through feelings of beleaguerment regarding suspected alliances of Tamil tigers, Christian missionary groups, foreign NGOs, etc. It also carries on in the support for the use of armed force against the LTTE as the only way to stop this conflict.

The title of the book is overly general as the book deals only with the British Buddhist encounter in Ceylon. However, there was also a British-Theravada encounter in Burma, Siam, and other parts of Asia. Thus, in my opinion, Reformed Buddhism was not a movement confined to Sri Lanka, but rather a pan-Asian movement. Reformers, such as King Mongkut in Siam and Ledi Sayaadaw in Burma, initiated similar movements that arose out of the confrontation and interaction with the British and the West. King Mongkut, the founder of the reformist Dhammayuttika monastic sect, was a promoter of a rationalistic, scientific Buddhism and downplayed the mythological aspects of traditional Buddhism. The Burmese scholar Ledi Sayaadaw was an active missionary and scholar who corresponded with scholars in Britain. Even in Sikkim, the British educated King Sidkeang—influenced by Alexandra David-Néel, Bhikkhu Siilaacaara, and Bhikkhu Ñaa.natiloka—attempted to reform Sikkimese Lamaist Buddhism in the early twentieth century.

There were close contacts between Ceylonese Buddhists, Burmese Buddhists, and Siamese Buddhists that supported the reformist efforts in Sri Lanka. For example, the printing presses that were used by Buddhists for printing the first Buddhist books in Ceylon were donated by the King of Siam. The Thai Prince Prisdang, who was accepted into the Sinhalese Sangha by Vaskaduv÷ Subhuuti in the late nineteenth century, planned to unify the Sinhalese Sangha with the help of the Thai King Chulalongkorn. He set up a Buddhist school in Gunaananda’s temple in Kotahenna in Colombo. The new examination system at Vidyodaya College, that Harris mentions on p. 186, could indeed have had its roots in Thailand, but there it would have arisen out of influence of the British education system that came in vogue there in King Chulalonkorn reign. Thus, I agree with Harris that more research needs to be done on the interactions between Theravada countries during this period. Further, a study should be made on the Buddhist reactions to Christian missionary efforts and British Colonialism in Burma and Siam in the nineteenth century. It is likely that many parallels to what happened in Ceylon will be found. However, in Siam the main threat that had to be countered by way of reform and modernization was colonialism, not Christian missionary activity.

Although there are similarities with the nineteenth-century encounter with Christian missionaries, it appears to me that the current Sinhalese sentiments of victimhood and the support for the use of arms as a legitimate response by some Sinhala Buddhist groups that Harris mentions would come more out of the influence of Sinhalese historical treatises such as the Mahaava.msa, which glorify the struggles of Buddhist Sinhalese kings against South Indian invaders. What was new in the nineteenth-century encounter was that the Christian missionaries directly tried to challenge and undermine the Buddhist teachings through writing, preaching, and debate, while earlier invaders were content with destroying and looting temples. Moreover, the South Indian invaders came from a similar culture, and therefore there was no major cultural conflict. However, in nineteenth century Sri Lanka, besides the encounter with a hostile, exclusionist religion, there was also another far-reaching cultural encounter taking place, that is, the encounter of a mediaeval agricultural culture with modernity. Sinhalese Buddhists also had to face such as challenges such as Western education, technology, science, urbanization, and the global economy, which are all, in one way of another, the result of the Reformation in Europe. Thus, the Buddhist-Christian debates and the Buddhist reformist movement, which became the symbol of successfully facing the Christian challenge, could perhaps also be seen as the symbol of Sinhalese Buddhist culture successfully facing the wider challenges that modernity brought.

The section dealing with the life and writings of AAnanda Metteyya in the early 20^th century, although informative, steps out of the nineteenth century Sri Lankan context of the book and, therefore, seems somewhat out of place. Although Metteyya initially encountered Theravada Buddhism in Sri Lanka, he did not stay for long and became a monk in Burma. His writings and missionary efforts were mostly based on his studies and practice in Burma.

One correction: on p. 216 Harris mentions that there are over a hundred Western Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka today. There are only about thirty, and this has been so for decades.

The price of the book, £ 65, is very expensive in relation to its size. Hopefully, an inexpensive Asian edition of the book will be published in the future. The same observation applies for the other books published in the Routledge Critical Studies in Buddhism series.

A way of practicing not mentioned in these manuals, but which seems to be a valid way of practicing this recollection, is to contemplate a peaceful, calm meditative state one has previously had, how one did attain this state, and what were its benefits—similar to the Bodhisatta recollecting his meditative experience as a boy sitting under the rose-apple tree. When focusing one's mind in this way, it calms down.

The epithets are sometimes accompanied by superlatives such as parama or anuttara—e.g., parama santi, the ultimate peace—but because they are not always used, these superlatives have been put in brackets or left out.

For convenience, the epithets have been divided into sections of epithets sharing a common focus:

1. viveka/paviveka, "the solitude" or "the seclusion," Dhp 205, AN 6:55, Th 640, Sn 915, SN 1:1, It 38
2. asambaadha, "the uncrowded," Thii 512
3. asapatta, "that which is without rivalry," Thii 505, 512
4. nirupataapa, "the untroubled," or "that which is without vexation," Thii 512
5. akhalita, "the faultless," Thii 512

1. khema, "the secure," SN 43:28, AN 9:52, Th 227, Thii 350
2. (anuttara) yogakkhema, "the (unexcelled) security from bondage," MN 26.12, Thii 6, 8
3. sara.na, "the refuge," SN 43:43, Th 305, Dhp 194
4. nissara.na, "the escape," Ud 8:3, Iti 43, SN 5:1
5. taa.na, "the shelter," or "the protection," SN 43:42, Th 412
6. abhaya, "that which is free from fear," AN 9:52, SN 6:3.4 (Th 708-09)
7. akutobhaya, "that which has no fear from anywhere," AN 4:23
8. diipa, "the island," SN 43:40, Sn 1094, Th 412
9. le.na, "the shelter," SN 43:41
10. tittha, "the landing place" or "the harbour," Th 766
11. paarima.m tiira.m, khema.m appa.tibhaya.m, "the further shore, safe and free from danger," SN 35:238
12. niyyaana, "the way out" or "the deliverance," Sn 170, 172 (Cf. MN 11.15)

1. (parama) sukha, "the (ultimate) happiness," Dhp 203-204, It 43
2. nibbaanasukhaa para.m natthi, "there is nothing else like the happiness of Nibbaana," Thii 476
3. susukha, "the great happiness," Th 227, Ud 2:8
4. anuttara vimuttisukha, "the supreme peace of release," AN 5:180
5. sama bhuumibhaaga rama.niiya, "the delightful stretch of level ground," SN 22:84
6. aniitika, "the unailing," SN 43:32, Sn 1147
7. avyaadhi, "the diseaseless," MN 26.12
8. aarogya, "the healthy" or "the freedom from disease," Sn 749, MN 75.19ff.
9. pipaasavinaya, "the dispelling of thirst," AN 4:34, It 90
10. parama.mhita, "the ultimate welfare," Sn 233
11. avyaapajjha, "the freedom from harm," SN 43:35, AN 6:55, Th 640
12. dukkhassa anta, "the end of suffering," Ud 8:1, Dhp 275, 376
13. dukkhanirodha "the cessation of suffering," MN 9.17, It 43
14. yattha dukkha.m nirujjhati "where suffering ceases," Th 227, Sn 726
15. dukkhakkhaya "the destruction of suffering," Sn 732, MN 140.25
16. asoka, "the sorrowless," MN 26.13, Th 227, 723, Thii 514
17. bhaaranikkhepana, "the putting down of the burden," SN 22:22, Th 708 (Th 604)

1. mutti, "the freedom," SN 43:38
2. anaalaya, "that which is not reliant," SN 43:39, 46:11
3. vimutti, "the release" or "the deliverance," MN 44.29, It 109, Th
4. vimokkha, "the release" or "deliverance," Th 906, 1098, Thii 506, 906, SN 1:1
5. sabbaganthappamocana, "the freedom from all bonds," AN 4:23, It 102
6. sabbasa.myojanakkhaya, "the destruction of all fetters," Th 176
7. sabbuupadhipa.tinissagga, "the relinquishment of all acquisitions," AN 4:114, MN 140.27
8. (sabba) upadhisa.nkhaya, "the annihilation of (all) acquisitions," AN 4:23, 6:56

1. amata, "the deathless," or "where there is no death," SN 43:25, MN 26.13, Thii 513, Sn 225
2. ajaraa, "the agingless," or "where there is no aging," MN 26.13, Thii 511, 513
3. ajaraamara.napada, "the state without ageing and death," Thii 513
4. asa.nkuppa, "the unshakeable," Sn 1149
5. asa.mhiira, "the indestructible" or "the immovable," Sn 1149. (See SED sa.mhº and sa.mhaara.)
6. dhuva, "that which is constant," or "that which is stable," SN 43:20, It 43
7. akampita, "that which does not tremble," SN 5:7
8. acala sukha, "the unshakeable happiness," Ud 8.10, Thii 352, MN 144.11
9. accuta, "that which does not pass away," SN 22:95, Dhp 225, Sn 1086, Th 212
10. apalokita, "that which does not disintegrate," SN 43:21
11. anata, "the uninclined," SN 43:13, MN 144.11, Ud 8.2
12. nippapañca, "that which is without proliferation," SN 43:23, AN 6:15, Th 902, 990
13. cutuupapaato na hoti, "(where) there is no passing away and reappearing," MN 144.11, Sn 902, Ud 8.1
14. na .thiti.m, na cuti.m, na upapatti.m "(where there is) no staying, no passing away, no reappearing," Ud 8.1
15. aagatigati na hoti, "(where) there is no coming and going (into existence)," MN 144.11, Ud 8.1
16. yattha na jaayati, na jiiyati, na miiyati, na cavati, na uppajjati, "where one is not born, does not age, nor die, nor pass away, nor arise," SN 2:3.6, AN 4:45, MN 49

1. suddhi/visuddhi, "purity," SN 43:37, Th 415, Dhp 277
2. susukkasukka, "the very pure," or "the very bright," Th 212
3. asa.nkili.t.tha, "the undefiled," MN 26.13
4. viraaga, "the fading away," or "that which is without desire," SN 43:36, Sn 225
5. viraja, "the stainless," Th 227, It 43, Ud 8.8
6. anaasava, "the taintless," SN 43:14 (Th 704)
7. aasavakkhaya, "the destruction of taints," Th 116, 198, 218
8. nekkhamma, "the renunciation" or "the freedom from desire," AN 3:39, 6:55, Th 640, Dhp 181, 272, Th 691

1. ajaata, "the unborn," or "where there is no birth," Ud 8:3, It 43, MN 26.13
2. asamuppanna, "the unarisen," It 43
3. abhuuta, "the unbecome," Ud 8:3, It 43
4. akata, "the unmade," Ud 8:3, It 43
5. asa.nkhata, "the unconditioned" or "the uncompounded," SN 43:1, Th 725, Ud 8:3, It 43–44
6. yassa natthi upamaa kvaci, "that for which there is no likeness," Sn 1149 (Th 1013)
7. na tena dhammena sam'atthi kiñci, "there is nothing equal to that state," Sn 225
8. appa.tibhaaga, "that which is without counterpart," MN 44.29
9. appa.tisara.na, "that which is without recourse," SN 48.42
10. disaa agatapubbaa, "the direction never gone before," AN 4:114
11. paara, "the far shore," SN 43:16, Dhp 85-86
12. maccuddheyyapaara.m, "the far shore of the realm of death," Sn 1146, SN 4:4
13. agati yattha maarassa, "where Maara has no access," SN 5:7
14. anaapara "the matchless," Sn 1094
15. anidassana, "the unmanifest," SN 43:22, DN 11.85
16. appamaa.na, "that which is measureless," AN 4:67
17. pa.tisotagaami, "that which is going against the stream," MN 26.19
18. aputthujjanasevita, "that to which worldings do not resort," SN 5:7
19. appati.t.tha, "that which is without support," Ud 8:1
20. appavatta, "that which is without continuation," Ud 8:1
21. anaaramma.na, "that which is without basis," Ud 8:1
22. atakkaavacara, "that which is not within the range of thought," MN 26.19, It 43
23. sabbesu dhammesu samuuhatesu, "when all phenomena have been removed," Sn 1076
24. n'eva idha vaa hura.m vaa ubhayam antarena, "(where) there is no here nor beyond nor in between," MN 144.11, Ud 8:2
25. tadaayatana.m, yattha neva pathavii, na aapo, na tejo, na vaayo, na aakaasaanañcaayayana.m, na viññaa.nañcaayatana.m, na aakiñcaññaayatana.m, na nevasaññaanaasaññaayatana.m, naaya.m loko, na paraloko, na ubho candimasuriyaa, "that sphere where there is no earth, nor water, nor fire, nor wind, nor sphere of endless space, nor the sphere of endless consciousness, nor the sphere of nothingness, nor the sphere of neither perception nor non perception, nor this world, nor the other world, neither sun nor moon," Ud 8:1

1. nirodha, "the cessation," Sn 755, AN 9:58, It 43
2. lokanta, "the end of the world," SN 2:3.6, 35:116, AN 4:45-46
3. lokanirodha, "the cessation of the world," AN 4:23
4. bhavanirodha "the cessation of existence," SN 12:68, AN 10:7, MN 9.29
5. yamhi nirujjhanti bhavaani sabbaso, "when existences completely cease" It 44
6. jiivitassa sa.nkhayaa añño punabbhavo natthi, "at the annihilation of life, there is no other further existence" Th 493
7. natthi daani punabbhavo, "now there is no further existence," Th 344, 908
8. va.t.tupaccheda, "the cutting off of the round (of rebirth)," It 90
9. (sabba) kammakkhaya, "the destruction of (all) kamma," AN 4:23, SN 5:8
10. jaatimara.nassa anta, "the end of birth and death," Sn 467
11. jaraamaccuparikkhaya, "the complete destruction of old age and death," Sn 1094
12. jaatikkhaya, "the destruction of birth," It 99, Sn 743
13. vikkhii.no jaatisa.msaaro, , "the journeying on in births is annihilated, " Th 344, 908, SN 9:6, Sn 746, MN 22.32
14. sa.msaaraa vina.liikataa, sabbaa gati samucchinnaa, "the journeying on has been demolished, all destinations have been cut off," Th 216
15. khaya,"the destruction," Sn 225, It 44, Th 491, 723
16. sakkaayanirodha, "the cessation of identity," MN 44:4, SN 22:105, 35:136, Sn 766
17. aahaaraana.m nirodha, "the cessation of the nutriments," Sn 747, Th 702
18. viññaa.nanirodha, "the cessation of consciousness," Sn 734
19. abhedi kaayo, nirodhi saññaa, vedanaa siitir-aha.msu sabbaa, vuupasami.msu sa.nkhaaraa, viññaa.na.m attham aagamma, "the body breaks up, perception ceases, all feelings become cold, mental activities become still, consciousness comes to an end," Ud 8:9
20. naññe dhamme bhavissanti, "(when) there will be no other phenomena," Th 907, (Th 708)
21. vosaana, "the finish," Th 784
22. raagadosamohakkhaya, "the destruction of lust, anger, and delusion" SN 38:1, 45: 6-7, Ud 8:5, It 44, MN 140.28
23. ta.nhakkhaya, "the destruction of craving," SN 23:2, AN 4:114
24. ta.nhaasa.nkhaya, "the annihilation of craving," AN 6:55, Th 640
25. ta.nhaaya asesaviraaganirodho, caago, pa.tinissaggo, mutti, anaalayo, "the remainderless cessation of craving, the giving up and relinquishing of it, freedom from it, non-reliance upon it," SN 22:22, 46:11
26. upaadaanasa.nkhaya, "the annihilation of attachment," AN 6:55, Th 640

1. sacca, "the truth," SN 43:15, MN 140.26, Ud 8.2, SN 4:4, 5:1
2. amosadhamma, "that which doesn’t have a false nature," Sn 758, MN 140.26
3. asammoha, "that which is free from delusion," AN 6:55, Th 640

1. nibbaana, "the extinguishing " or "the quenching," SN 43:34, Th 906, Sn 235
2. nibbuti, "the quenching" or "the allaying," Sn 238, 917, Th 32, Th 702
3. siitibhaava, "the state of coolness," AN 6:85, Thii 362
4. ajalita, "that which does not burn," SN 5:7
5. kaayassa bhedaa uddha.m jiivitapariyaadaanaa idheva sabbavedayitaani anabhinanditaani siitibhavissanti, sariraani avasissanti, "at the breaking up of the body, following the exhaustion of life, all that is felt, not being delighted in, will become cool right here, (only) physical remains will be left" SN 12: 51, It 44

1. agga, "the highest," AN 4:34, It 90, Th 1142
2. parama, "the ultimate," Dhp 184
3. pa.niita, "the sublime," SN 43:26, SN 48:50, MN 26.19, AN 4:114, Sn 225
4. anuttara, "the unexcelled," MN 26.18, Th 723
5. uttama, "the supreme," MN 78.14, Th 212
6. vara, "the excellent," Sn 235

1. (uttama) attha, "the (supreme) goal," Dhp 403, Th 176
2. paraaya.na, "the destination," SN 43:44, MN 44.29
3. attha.m mahanta.m gambhiira.m duddasa.m nipu.na.m a.nu.m, "the goal that is great, profound, hard to see, subtle, fine," Th 4, 71
4. susukhumanipu.nattha, "the goal which is very fine and subtle," Th 210
5. accantani.t.thaa, "the absolute conclusion," MN 107.13, SN 22:4
6. accantapariyosaana, "the absolute end," SN 22:4
7. brahmacariyapariyosaana, "the end of the holy life," SN 45:6, MN 44.29

1. acchariya, "the wonderful," SN 43:31
2. abbhuta, "the amazing," SN 43:31
3. siva, "the auspicious," SN 43:27, Thii 137

1. sududdasa/ duddaso, "that which is (very) hard to see," SN 43:18, MN 26.19, Th 4, 212
2. duranubodho, "that which is hard to understand," MN 26.19
3. nipu.na, "that which is subtle," SN 43:17, MN 26.19, Th 4, 212
4. a.nu, "that which is fine," or "that which is minute," MN 26.19, Th 4, 1161
5. sukhuma "that which is delicate," or "that which is fine," Th 220, 1160
6. gambhiira, "that which is profound," MN 26.19, Th 4
7. pa.n.ditavedaniiyaa, "that which can be experienced by the wise," MN 26.19
8. raagarattaa na dakkhinti, tamokkhandhena aava.taa: "it is not discerned by those delighting in lust, wrapped in the darkness (of ignorance)" MN 26.19